A social norm or norm is a shared standard of acceptable behavior by a group. Social norms can both be informal understandings that govern the behavior of members of a society, as well as be codified into rules and laws. Social normative influences or social norms, are deemed to be powerful drivers of human behavioural changes and well organized and incorporated by major theories which explain human behaviour. Institutions are composed of multiple norms. Norms are shared social beliefs about behavior; thus, they are distinct from "ideas", "attitudes", and "values", which can be held privately, and which do not necessarily concern behavior. Norms are contingent on context, social group, and historical circumstances.
Scholars distinguish between regulative norms (which constrain behavior), constitutive norms (which shape interests), and prescriptive norms (which prescribe what actors ought to do). The effects of norms can be determined by a logic of appropriateness and logic of consequences; the former entails that actors follow norms because it is socially appropriate, and the latter entails that actors follow norms because of cost-benefit calculations. Others see social norms emerging as part of an evolutionarily stable strategy, where they stabilize through third-party punishment.
Three stages have been identified in the life cycle of a norm: (1) Norm emergence – norm entrepreneurs seek to persuade others of the desirability and appropriateness of certain behaviors; (2) Norm cascade – when a norm obtains broad acceptance; and (3) Norm internalization – when a norm acquires a "taken-for-granted" quality. Norms are robust to various degrees: some norms are often violated whereas other norms are so deeply internalized that violations are infrequent. Evidence for the existence of norms can be detected in the patterns of behavior within and across social groups, as well as their articulation in group discourse.
Definition
There are varied definitions of social norms, but there is agreement among scholars that norms are:
social and shared among members of a group related to behaviors and shape decision-making proscriptive or prescriptive socially acceptable ways of living by a group of people in a society
In 1965, Jack P. Gibbs identified three basic normative dimensions that all concepts of norms could be subsumed under:
"a collective evaluation of behavior in terms of what it ought to be" "a collective expectation as to what behavior will be" "particular reactions to behavior" (including attempts to sanction or induce certain conduct)
According to Ronald Jepperson, Peter Katzenstein and Alexander Wendt, "norms are collective expectations about proper behavior for a given identity." Wayne Sandholtz argues against this definition, as he writes that shared expectations are an effect of norms, not an intrinsic quality of norms. Sandholtz, Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink define norms instead as "standards of appropriate behavior for actors with a given identity." In this definition, norms have an "oughtness" quality to them.
Michael Hechter and Karl-Dieter Opp define norms as "cultural phenomena that prescribe and proscribe behavior in specific circumstances." Sociologists Christine Horne and Stefanie Mollborn define norms as "group-level evaluations of behavior." This entails that norms are widespread expectations of social approval or disapproval of behavior. Scholars debate whether social norms are individual constructs or collective constructs.
Economist and game theorist Peyton Young defines norms as "patterns of behavior that are self-enforcing within a group." He emphasizes that norms are driven by shared expectations: "Everyone conforms, everyone is expected to conform, and everyone wants to conform when they expect everyone else to conform." He characterizes norms as devices that "coordinate people's expectations in interactions that possess multiple equilibria."
Philosopher Cristina Bicchieri defines norms as rules that one follows if others around them also follow these rules. Following norms is based on an individual's empirical expectations ("what I believe everyone else is doing") and an individual's normative expectations ("what I believe everyone else believes I should or ought to do"). Norms can be descriptive. When a collective behavior is motivated by empirical expectations, it is considered a descriptive norm. When it is motivated by normative expectations it is considered a social norm.
There is disagreement about whether concepts such as "conventions", "customs", "morals", "mores", "rules", and "laws" have been characterized as equivalent to norms. Institutions can be considered collections or clusters of multiple norms. Rules and norms are not necessarily distinct phenomena: both are standards of conduct that can have varying levels of specificity and formality. Laws are a highly formal version of norms. Laws, rules and norms may be at odds; for example, a law may prohibit something but norms still allow it. Norms are not equivalent to an aggregation of individual attitudes. Ideas, attitudes and values are not necessarily norms, as these concepts do not necessarily concern behavior and may be held privately. "Prevalent behaviors" and behavioral regularities are not necessarily norms. Instinctual or biological reactions, personal tastes, and personal habits are not necessarily norms.
Emergence and transmission Groups may adopt norms in a variety of ways.
Some stable and self-reinforcing norms may emerge spontaneously without conscious human design. Peyton Young goes as far as to say that "norms typically evolve without top-down direction...through interactions of individuals rather than by design." Norms may develop informally, emerging gradually as a result of repeated use of discretionary stimuli to control behavior.Chong, D. (2000) Rational lives: norms and values in politics and society Not necessarily laws set in writing, informal norms represent generally accepted and widely sanctioned routines that people follow in everyday life.Gerber, L. & Macionis, J. (2011) Sociology, 7th Canadian ed., p. 65 These informal norms, if broken, may not invite formal legal punishments or sanctions, but instead encourage reprimands, warnings, or othering; incest, for example, is generally thought of as wrong in society, but many jurisdictions do not legally prohibit it.
Norms may also be created and advanced through conscious human design by norm entrepreneurs. Norms can arise formally, where groups explicitly outline and implement behavioral expectations. Legal norms typically arise from design.Kendall, D. (2011) Sociology in our times A large number of these norms we follow 'naturally' such as driving on the right side of the road in the US and on the left side in the UK, or not speeding in order to avoid a ticket.
Martha Finnemore and Kathryn Sikkink identify three stages in the life cycle of a norm:
Norm emergence: Norm entrepreneurs seek to persuade others to adopt their ideas about what is desirable and appropriate. Norm cascade: When a norm has broad acceptance and reaches a tipping point, with norm leaders pressuring others to adopt and adhere to the norm. Norm internalization: When the norm has acquired a "taken-for-granted" quality where compliance with the norm is nearly automatic.
They argue that several factors may raise the influence of certain norms: Legitimation: Actors that feel insecure about their status and reputation may be more likely to embrace norms. Prominence: Norms that are held by actors seen as desirable and successful are more likely to diffuse to others. Intrinsic qualities of the norm: Norms that are specific, long-lasting, and universal are more likely to become prominent. Path dependency: Norms that are related to preexisting norms are more likely to be widely accepted. World time-context: Systemic shocks (such as wars, revolutions and economic crises) may motivate a search for new norms. Christina Horne and Stefanie Mollborn have identified two broad categories of arguments for the emergence of norms:
Consequentialism: norms are created when an individual's behavior has consequences and externalities for other members of the group. Relationalism: norms are created because people want to attract positive social reactions. In other words, norms do not necessarily contribute to the collective good.
Per consequentialism, norms contribute to the collective good. However, per relationalism, norms do not necessarily contribute to the collective good; norms may even be harmful to the collective.
Some scholars have characterized norms as essentially unstable, thus creating possibilities for norm change. According to Wayne Sandholtz, actors are more likely to persuade others to modify existing norms if they possess power, can reference existing foundational meta-norms, and can reference precedents. Social closeness between actors has been characterized as a key component in sustaining social norms.
Transfer of norms between groups Individuals may also import norms from a previous organization to their new group, which can get adopted over time. Without a clear indication of how to act, people typically rely on their history to determine the best course forward; what was successful before may serve them well again. In a group, individuals may all import different histories or scripts about appropriate behaviors; common experience over time will lead the group to define as a whole its take on the right action, usually with the integration of several members' schemas. Under the importation paradigm, norm formation occurs subtly and swiftly whereas with formal or informal development of norms may take longer.
Groups internalize norms by accepting them as reasonable and proper standards for behavior within the group. Once firmly established, a norm becomes a part of the group's operational structure and hence more difficult to change. While possible for newcomers to a group to change its norms, it is much more likely that the new individual will adopt the group's norms, values, and perspectives, rather than the other way around.
Deviance from social norms
Deviance is defined as "nonconformity to a set of norms that are accepted by a significant number of people in a community or society"Appelbaum, R. P., Carr, D., Duneir, M., & Giddens, A. (2009). "Conformity, Deviance, and Crime." Introduction to Sociology, New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., p. 173. More simply put, if group members do not follow a norm, they become tagged as a deviant. In the sociological literature, this can often lead to them being considered outcasts of society. Yet, deviant behavior amongst children is somewhat expected. Except the idea of this deviance manifesting as a criminal action, the social tolerance given in the example of the child is quickly withdrawn against the criminal. Crime is considered one of the most extreme forms of deviancy according to scholar Clifford R. Shaw.