Tanzanian Hip-hop, which is sometimes referred to Bongo Flava by many outside of Tanzania's hip hop community, encompasses a large variety of different sounds, but it is particularly known for heavy synth riffs and an incorporation of Tanzanian pop.
There is some debate over whether Bongo Flava, which has emerged as a defined pop movement, can really still be qualified under the overarching term "hip hop" and not a movement unto itself, when it is beginning to develop a distinctive sound that differs from hardcore rap or, for example, the Maasai Hip hop of X Plastaz, who use the tradition of the Maasai tribe as the focal point for their sound and style.Martin, Lydia. "Bongo Flava: Swahili Rap from Tanzania." afropop.org Tanzanian hip hop influenced the sound of the Bongo Flava genre. While Tanzanian hip hop retains many of the elements found in hip hop globally in terms of sound and lyricism, Bongo flava, derived from the Swahili word "ubongo" (meaning brains), incorporates hip hop, Indian filmi, taraab, muzik wa dansi, and dancehall beats.Bongo Flava:: Tanzanian Hiphop Fusion Online:: Swahili Music It all began in the 1980s when Tanzanian teenagers were really interested in the American hip hop scene. At first, they took American beats and rapped to them. As the youth rapped, the hip hop in Tanzania began to develop into a mix of traditional and localized hip hop scene. As a result, it began a wave of interest from other people in Eastern Africa.Mueller, Gavin. "Bongoflava: The Primer." Stylus Magazine, 12 May 2005
Bongo Flava Etymology of the name "Bongo" of Bongo Flava comes from Kiswahili usually meaning brains, inelegance, cleverness but can also mean mentally deranged. Bongo is the augmentative form of Ubongo, Kiswahili for Brainland. Flava is kiswahili for Flavour. Ubongo is a term originally use, and in Tanzania still used, for the city of Dar es Salaam. Outside Tanzania, Ubongo is often referring to Tanzania. Ubongo as a term originated from a speech by President Nyerere in the late 70's during a very difficult time following both the global fuel shocks of the 70's and the Kagera war against Uganda. Mwalimu Nyerere spoke that only a nation using brains (using Kiswahili Ubongo for Brainland) could, and would, overcome the difficult challenges Tanzania was facing. Unfortunately things became even worse for Tanzania, and by the early 1980s Dar es Salaam was calling itself mostly by the name Jua Kali (hot sun/world is spinning/dizzy) but also Ubongo. The term Ubongo was being used as a clever way to say both, survival in Dar es Salaam required brains and inelegance, but was also full of mentally deranged people.
In 1981, musician Remmy Ongala founded a band called Matimila. Each band has a unique mtindo (style/fashion) and Remmy Ongala's band Matimila named their mtindo "Bongo". Remmy Ongala would become the most famous musician ever for Tanzania, reaching global fame working with English singer Peter Gabriel.
Music style of Bongo Flava There has been a lot of debate over whether Bongo Flava/Fleva is Tanzanian Hip Hop. While many scholars and journalists use Bongo Flava and Hip Hop interchangeably, distinctions are made by many Bongo Flava and Hip Hop artists.
Bongo flava borrows from Tanzanian hip hop, with fast rhythms and rhymes in Swahili. The name "Bongo Flava" comes from the Swahili word for brains: ubongo. Bongo is the nickname of Dar es Salaam. It means that you need brains to survive there. It has evolved over time, combining elements of American rap, R&B, hip hop, with its unique Swahili twist. As much as American culture, the lyrics within Tanzania hip-hop and the culture are politicized, about HIV, poverty, and corruption, or about life, relationships, money, jealously, and love.Lemelle, Sidney J. "‘Ni wapi Tunakwenda’: Hip Hop Culture and the Children of Arusha." In The Vinyl Ain’t Final: Hip Hop and the Globalization of Black Popular Culture, ed. by Dipannita Basu and Sidney J. Lemelle, 230-54. London; Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Pres
Bongo Flava is a mixture of Afrobeat and arabesque melodies, dancehall and hip-hop beats, and Swahili lyrics. It developed in the 1980s when Tanzanian youth started rapping because they were fascinated by the hip-hop scene in the United States. They fairly quickly added their own spin and flavor to the music by localizing it with beats, rhythms, and topics. The genre has become popular very quickly; it is the best-selling musical genre in East Africa, is already a success in neighboring Kenya and Uganda, and is sweeping the African continent and spreading to the rest of the world. In 2004, German record label Out Here Records released the compilation CD, Bongo Flava - Swahili Rap from Tanzania. The 70 minute record which features artists including X Plastaz, Juma Nature, and Gangwe Mobb has enjoyed wide international distribution.
When American hip hop first migrated to Tanzania, local rappers would sample popular American rap beats, simply inserting Swahili rhymes in place of English. This infant Bongo Flava style and imported American hip hop was initially embraced almost exclusively by young upper class individuals who found it fashionable to follow US trends. This was often viewed as Tanzanians simply appropriating American culture and style, relating this to the idea of Americanization. In the early 1990s, as the genre was developing, the 'Kiswacentric' concept was born. Artists began to "localize" the music by addressing purely Tanzanian issues and eventually using the Swahili language, which in itself is a language with many global influences.Lemelle, Sidney J. "‘Ni wapi Tunakwenda’: Hip Hop Culture and the Children of Arusha." In The Vinyl Ain’t Final: Hip Hop and the Globalization of Black Popular Culture, ed. by Dipannita Basu and Sidney J. Lemelle, 230-54. London; Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press. Additionally, beats shifted from American hip hop sampling to organic synthesized beats often incorporating local beats, rhythm, and sounds. Tanzanian artists ensured that even when rapping in English, they would maintain the Swahili meanings behind their rhymes. By rapping in Swahili they were able to make the hip-hop style their own, while still "keeping it real" by the standards of American Hip-Hop.The Language of the Young People: Rap, Urban Culture and Protest in Tanzania. Journal of Asian and African studies [0021-9096] Casco yr:2006 vol:41 iss:3 pg:229 This Kiswacentric rap has continued the Swahili poetic tradition of using wordplay, puns, and rhyme to express oneself. Many artists strive to use Swahili ideas and culture in their songs and styles rather than reproducing American pop culture or gangsta rap.
The choice of language played an important role in the development and local acceptance of bongo flava. Through rapping in Swahili, many new artists were able to localize hip hop, giving it "a politically charged cultural image" and providing a way to relate it with Tanzanian culture. Tanzanian rapper Dolasoul (Ahmed Dola), who studied in Nigeria and the United Kingdom, notes that rap music, particularly in Swahili, provided him "with the means to represent his people and speak about changes that can be made for ‘a better tomorrow.’" He also notes that albums produced in Swahili, with minimal English, helps to make his language more accepted internationally. The use of Swahili language in bongo flava conveys a particular message and idea to its listeners, instilling a sense of national pride and common culture. Dolasoul mentions that with his use of Swahili and minimal English, he is attempting to "give a wake up call to my people."
At the same time, the employment of Swahili Rap represents an attempt to negotiate the authentic gangster projection with more traditional and local Tanzanian musical forms. Between the prominent mainstream US hip hop image of gangster rappers and increased radio and television airplay for groups from South Africa, Europe and the Congo region who project that image, Tanzanian rappers are heavily swayed toward a more raw style. While this borrowing of the authentic gangster image as represented outside of Tanzania can be interpreted as an appropriation for localizing purposes, it can also be viewed as mimicry. Since authentic gangster rap is commercially viable, Tanzanian artists are torn between the possibilities it presents and the negative attention it may gain them. Indeed, those who do imitate Western gangster rap are often isolated and derided for being gangster wannabes.Lemelle, Sidney J. "‘Ni wapi Tunakwenda’: Hip Hop Culture and the Children of Arusha." In The Vinyl Ain’t Final: Hip Hop and the Globalization of Black Popular Culture, ed. by Dipannita Basu and Sidney J. Lemelle, 240. London; Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Pres Thus, the use of the Swahili language in Tanzanian rap helps take ideas from a larger hip hop discourse and incorporate them into the local context of that African rap culture. It makes sense then that those most dependent on the more marketable hardcore rap generally come from the impoverished regions of Tanzania, like Dar Es Salaam, where any chance at success may be more important than the worry of abandoning national pride in exuding a culturally ambivalent image. One of the paramount rap topics in this issue of balance is the objectification of women, which while it may be more marketable than less explicit forms, stands in contention with the Islamic ideals that many Tanzanians embrace. Still though, crude styles tend to appeal to the urban youth of Tanzania, as exemplified by the rap group LWP Majitu who, according to Out Here Records, "are popular for their hardcore hard hitting lyrics." Whether in the poorer parts of Tanzania or the more privileged, it is crucial for rap artists to maintain a healthy balance between the traditional and the original, the local and the global.
Emergence of hip-hop in Tanzania Hip hop culture in Tanzania began in the early to mid 1980s chiefly as an underground movement, when promoters and artists would be forced to record and copy music in makeshift studios using rudimentary equipment. Underground rap began, not in the poorer working class areas of Dar es Salaam, but in the slightly more affluent areas of the city, where there was access to the Western world through friends, family, and travel opportunities. Oddly enough, rap first caught on amongst the youth of Tanzania's 'middle class.' These were teens with some formal education, a familiarity with English and a connection in another country who could mail the music to them. Hip hop provided the perfect outlet for Tanzanian youth to voice their anger and dissatisfaction with society.Lemelle, Sidney J. "‘Ni wapi Tunakwenda’: Hip Hop Culture and the Children of Arusha." From The Vinyl Ain’t Final: Hip Hop and the Globalization of Black Popular Culture, 230-54. Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press These students of hip hop played an integral part in the formation of bongo flava, "through participation within a transcultural, multilingual and multiracial global hip-hop nation, combining African-American language with Swahili and local street varieties ("Kihuni")".How hip-hop culture is changing the wor(l)d – UCLA Today Online In the 1990s, Tanzanian hip hop shifted from an underground phenomenon to commercially accepted model, and became accessible to working class youth as well.
Early Tanzanian rap tended to be in English, but as the genre developed some rappers began writing raps in Swahili. The main venue for their music was live performance, particularly the Yo Rap Bonanza competition. The YRB competition was organized by Indian merchants; notably, it attracted rappers from outside of [Dar es Salaam]. Artists such as Saleh J and Eazy-B performed at the competition.